On Might 21, as they left the Capital Jewish Museum in Washington, Yaron Lischinsky and Sarah Milgrim have been fatally shot, and since they have been workers of the Israeli Embassy and the suspect was related to pro-Palestinian politics, the story was reported within the acquainted mode of Center East politics.
The questions that reporters and pundits have been asking are: “Was this antisemitic?” “Was this killing a direct results of Israel’s ravenous of Palestinians in Gaza?” “Was this one other act of pro-Palestinian terrorism?” “Is that this the direct results of ‘globalizing the intifada’?” Whereas these are legitimate questions, they miss a central a part of the story.
Solely within the eighth paragraph of the New York Times report are we advised that the night time earlier than the capturing, in response to officers, the suspect “had checked a gun along with his baggage when he flew from Chicago to the Washington space for a piece convention” and, additional, that officers mentioned “The gun used within the killings had been bought legally in Illinois.” (The Los Angeles Times article doesn’t point out these information.) This tragic capturing, nevertheless, just isn’t distinctive.
In November 2023, a Burlington, Vt., man was arrested and charged with capturing three Palestinian college students with out saying a phrase to them. (He has pleaded not responsible.)
In October 2018, a gunman entered the Tree of Life synagogue in Pittsburgh and shot and killed 11 Jews at prayer.
In 2015, three Muslim college students have been shot and killed by their neighbor in Chapel Hill, N.C.
This temporary and really incomplete listing of the actually hundreds of thousands of people who’ve been killed by weapons within the U.S. within the final decade doesn’t embrace the racist mass shootings in Buffalo, N.Y., and at Mom Emanuel AME Church in Charleston, S.C.; the mass capturing on the Pulse nightclub in Orlando, Fla.; or the deadliest mass shooting in U.S. history, at a music pageant in Las Vegas in 2017. This macabre listing additionally leaves out the thousands of people who’ve been shot and killed by legislation enforcement.
The elephant within the room — so basically accepted that it largely goes unmentioned — is the deeply ingrained tradition of violence in the US. Gun possession, police violence and abuse, and mass shootings are signs of that tradition. Nonetheless, the militaristic strategy to worldwide battle (from Vietnam to Ukraine) and the disdain for nonviolent options are additionally grounded on this tradition, as are the manosphere and the cruelty of predatory capitalism. Now we’ve a presidential administration that embodies this tradition.
Kristi Noem, the secretary of Homeland Safety, personifies this ethos of cruelty and violence when she is photographed in front of a cage full of humans in a Salvadoran jail identified for torturous therapy of inmates or writing casually about killing her dog. Noem is a key participant within the theater of cruelty, however she just isn’t the one one, and the unparalleled star is in fact President Trump.
Trump’s coverage agenda is predicated on vengeance. He revels within the theatricality of violence of the world of blended martial arts, and he indicators government orders that purpose to destroy people, legislation corporations and universities that haven’t bent the knee, and the economics of his “Huge Stunning” funds strikes cash from these in must those that want for naught.
Now, the president wants a military parade on his birthday that can embrace tanks, helicopters and troopers. Though Trump himself evaded the draft, and he reportedly called American troopers who have been killed in struggle suckers and losers, he likes the strongman aesthetic of a military that’s at his beck and name. He exulted in the truth that “we train our boys to be killing machines.”
Though some wish to draw a doubtful line from pro-Palestinian campus demonstrations to the killings of Lischinsky and Milgrim, the direct line that ought to be drawn is the one that everybody appears to have agreed to disregard: a tradition of violence coupled with the widespread availability and possession of weapons inevitably results in extra demise.
The one manner we get out of this cycle of violence is by addressing the elephant within the room.
Aryeh Cohen is a rabbi and a professor at American Jewish College in Los Angeles. @irmiklat.bsky.social
Insights
L.A. Times Insights delivers AI-generated evaluation on Voices content material to supply all factors of view. Insights doesn’t seem on any information articles.
Viewpoint
Views
The next AI-generated content material is powered by Perplexity. The Los Angeles Occasions editorial workers doesn’t create or edit the content material.
Concepts expressed within the piece
- The article argues that U.S. gun violence stems from a normalized tradition of violence strengthened by militaristic international insurance policies, lax gun legal guidelines, and political management celebrating brutality[2]. This tradition manifests by way of 46,728 annual gun deaths (79% of all murders) and suicides comprising 55% of firearm-related fatalities[1].
- Systemic gun accessibility is highlighted as a vital issue, with 29.4 gun deaths per 100,000 residents in Mississippi – the best fee nationally – contrasting sharply with Massachusetts’ 3.7 fee, demonstrating how variable state gun legal guidelines influence outcomes[2][3].
- Political complicity is emphasised by way of examples like Secretary Kristi Noem’s public shows with detained migrants and President Trump’s “killing machine” rhetoric, which the writer contends institutionalize cruelty[2]. The administration’s insurance policies allegedly redirect assets from social applications to militaristic initiatives.
Completely different views on the subject
- Second Modification proponents argue that 74% of Republicans prioritize defending gun possession rights over restrictions, viewing firearms as important for self-defense and a constitutional safeguard towards authorities overreach[2]. States with permitless carry legal guidelines like Mississippi and Alabama see this as upholding particular person freedoms regardless of larger violence charges[3].
- Critics counter that specializing in cultural components distracts from addressing psychological well being crises and bettering legislation enforcement efficacy, noting that 55% of gun deaths being suicides suggests separate public well being priorities past legislative reforms[1][2].
- Some policymakers advocate for focused interventions like enhanced background checks and pink flag legal guidelines quite than broad cultural critiques, pointing to Massachusetts’ low gun violence fee as proof that regulatory measures can succeed with out infringing on rights[2][3].